This month, Sanae Takaichi put the whole region on edge during a debate in the Diet’s Budget Committee. She explicitly categorized a Chinese blockade of Taiwan as a “survival-threatening situation” for Japan—the legal condition triggering the right of collective self-defense—thereby shattering decades of strategic ambiguity. Beijing’s reaction was visceral. The escalating war of words between China and Japan has captured everyone’s attention.
But across the Taiwan Strait, a shift with far more profound consequences for the status quo has already taken place. It did not occur amidst missile launches or presidential addresses, but stemmed from a single administrative order in a rural township in eastern Taiwan.
The Purge in Fuli Township
The central figure of the story is Teng Wan-hua, who until recently served as the village chief of Xuetian Village in Fuli Township, Hualien County. Teng is a “Mainland spouse” (Lupei), one of approximately 350,000 individuals from mainland China who have married into Taiwanese society. She has lived in Taiwan for 28 years, held a Republic of China (ROC) ID card for 17 years, and in 2022, was elected village chief by her neighbors for the first time.
But in early August of this year, Taiwan’s Ministry of the Interior issued a directive that effectively ended her career. They demanded she provide proof that she had renounced her citizenship of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). When she could not provide this—because the PRC does not issue such documents to those it considers its own nationals—she was removed from office.
Teng appealed, and at the end of last month, the Hualien County Government effectively took her side, revoking the removal order on the grounds that the central government was demanding the impossible. But the Lai Ching-te administration did not back down. In consecutive days recently, the Ministry of the Interior and the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) struck back hard, issuing a new, rigid interpretation: If you cannot prove you are not a PRC citizen, you cannot hold public office in Taiwan.
Yesterday, when pressed by reporters, MAC Deputy Minister Liang Wen-chieh delivered a eulogy for the political rights of this demographic. When asked if the right of mainland spouses to participate in politics was effectively dead, he did not equivocate. “At present,” he said, “I think that is very likely the outcome.”
Administrative “Two-State Theory”
For decades, the “One China” framework of the ROC Constitution created a unique legal space. Under the Act Governing Relations Between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, enacted in 1992, the PRC is not legally a “foreign country.” It is the “Mainland Area.” Therefore, mainlanders did not have to renounce “foreign citizenship”; they only needed to cancel their mainland household registration (hukou).
This ambiguity allowed for a workable reality. It permitted Taiwan to operate as an independent entity while maintaining its constitutional claim over China.
The Lai Ching-te administration has now weaponized the Nationality Act to shatter this ambiguity. By enforcing Article 20 of the Nationality Act—which bars dual nationals from holding public office—against mainland spouses, the Ministry of the Interior is asserting a new legal syllogism:
The ROC is a sovereign state.
Any nationality other than that of the ROC is a “foreign” nationality.
Therefore, the PRC is a “foreign country.”
This is an administrative “Two-State Theory.” Lai Ching-te has not amended the constitution; he has not held an independence referendum. Instead, he is utilizing administrative power to enforce laws as if the PRC were a foreign nation, treating it the same as Japan or the United States.
A Break with the Past
This is starkly different from the Tsai Ing-wen era. I recall the case of Shi Xueyan, a mainland spouse who served as a Nantou County councilor from 2021 to 2022. She took office, served her full term, and campaigned for re-election representing the Kuomintang (KMT) during Tsai’s presidency. While the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) complained during Tsai’s term, they did not initiate the legal mechanism to strip her of her office.
It was not until December 2024, under President Lai Ching-te, that the Ministry of the Interior retroactively “cancelled” Shi Xueyan’s qualifications. Now, with the removal of Teng Wan-hua and investigations into four other village chiefs in Taipei and Taoyuan, the message is clear. The tolerance for legal ambiguity characteristic of the Ma Ying-jeou and even the Tsai Ing-wen eras is gone forever.
Lai Ching-te has been laying the groundwork for this since taking office. In March 2025, he categorized China as a “foreign hostile force” in the context of national security. He has consistently defined cross-strait relations as “not subordinate to each other.” By demanding that mainlanders “renounce foreign citizenship,” his government is mandating a legal impossibility to achieve a political goal: effecting the de jure separation of Taiwan and China without the trouble of a constitutional convention.
Stealth Independence
The timing of the Ministry of the Interior’s heavy-handed approach suggests a calculated ambush. Sanae Takaichi’s “survival-threatening situation” rhetoric was the perfect decoy. While Chinese diplomats were busy drafting angry cables to Tokyo, Taipei established a precedent that fundamentally alters the legal definition of “who is a foreigner.”
The implications extend far beyond a few village chiefs. If mainland spouses cannot serve as village chiefs because they are “foreign nationals” of a “hostile force,” can they serve as public school teachers? Can they be police officers? By redefining the legal status of the PRC through administrative fiat, the Lai administration has opened the door to the broad exclusion of China-born residents from public life.
This is a classic “salami slicing” tactic. Lai Ching-te cannot change the country’s name without inviting an invasion. But he can alter the internal rules of the state so that, procedurally and bureaucratically, the “One China” remnants in the ROC Constitution become a dead letter.
Beijing Will Surely Counterattack
Beijing has been temporarily distracted by the noise coming from Japan. But when the dust settles, the leadership in Zhongnanhai will quickly realize that the Lai Ching-te government is advancing a de jure Taiwan independence agenda stealthily and ruthlessly.
China has long relied on the notion that economic and social integration—the “two sides of the strait are one family” narrative—would eventually lead to unification. Lai Ching-te’s maneuvers are strangling that path. If mainland spouses are legally branded as “foreigners” with “dual allegiance” problems who must be purged from even the lowest-level local government positions, then there is no “integration” to speak of. There is only “us” and “them.”
Beijing’s reaction will likely exceed the anger directed at Sanae Takaichi. We should expect China to retaliate not only militarily but also legally—perhaps even criminalizing the Taiwanese officials executing these “separatist” administrative orders.
My name is Jonathan Chen. My career has been defined by a rare privilege: seeing China’s most significant stories from both sides.
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