诺贝尔奖得主达隆·阿西莫格鲁:别相信人工智能的炒作
Nobel Laureate Daron Acemoglu: Don't Believe the AI Hype

原始链接: https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/ai-productivity-boom-forecasts-countered-by-theory-and-data-by-daron-acemoglu-2024-05

尽管科技领袖和预测者预测生成式AI将通过巨大的生产力提升彻底改变世界,大幅提升全球GDP,但经济理论和数据表明前景更为温和。十年内GDP增长7%的预测可能过于乐观。基于当前AI的能力及其对特定任务的影响,更现实的评估表明全要素生产率(TFP)的增长要小得多,十年内约为0.66%,可能导致GDP增长1%到1.5%。AI目前能够自动化的任务范围有限,以及将其应用于复杂、依赖于上下文的任务方面的挑战,都抑制了人们的期望。虽然与之前的自动化浪潮相比,AI可能更广泛地分布在不同人群中,但它不太可能减少不平等或大幅提升工资增长。我们需要采取批判性而非盲目乐观的态度,以确保AI的全部潜力能够在简单的自动化和利润最大化之外得到实现。

Hacker News上的一篇讨论围绕着诺贝尔奖获得者达龙·阿西莫格鲁(Daron Acemoglu)对人工智能经济影响的怀疑展开,尤其与以往的自动化浪潮相比。 一位评论者指出,制造业已经高度自动化,质疑人工智能还能提高多少效率。阿西莫格鲁的文章认为,人工智能对整个经济的整体生产力提升可能很小,在0.5%到1%之间,而不是炒作的10%到30%。其他参与者认为,即使是较小的生产力增长也会对就业市场产生重大影响,而且人工智能可以彻底改变制造业中直接劳动以外的方面。一些人对人工智能的近期能力表示怀疑,并引用了快餐点餐等领域的失败案例。 讨论涉及自动化历史及其影响,并与互联网和其他技术进行了比较。一些人引用保罗·克鲁格曼(Paul Krugman)低估互联网经济影响的例子,以此告诫人们不要过度炒作技术。尽管观点各异,但大多数人认为预测人工智能的未来影响具有挑战性,一些人指出技术进步与整体经济生产力之间的区别。

原文

If you listen to tech industry leaders, business-sector forecasters, and much of the media, you may believe that recent advances in generative AI will soon bring extraordinary productivity benefits, revolutionizing life as we know it. Yet neither economic theory nor the data support such exuberant forecasts.

BOSTON – According to tech leaders and many pundits and academics, artificial intelligence is poised to transform the world as we know it through unprecedented productivity gains. While some believe that machines soon will do everything humans can do, ushering in a new age of boundless prosperity, other predictions are at least more grounded. For example, Goldman Sachs predicts that generative AI will boost global GDP by 7% over the next decade, and the McKinsey Global Institute anticipates that the annual GDP growth rate could increase by 3-4 percentage points between now and 2040. For its part, The Economist expects that AI will create a blue-collar bonanza.

Is this realistic? As I note in a recent paper, the outlook is far more uncertain than most forecasts and guesstimates suggest. Still, while it is basically impossible to predict with any confidence what AI will do in 20 or 30 years, one can say something about the next decade, because most of these near-term economic effects must involve existing technologies and improvements to them.

It is reasonable to suppose that AI’s biggest impact will come from automating some tasks and making some workers in some occupations more productive. Economic theory provides some guidance for assessing these aggregate effects. According to Hulten’s theorem (named for economist Charles Hulten), aggregate “total factor productivity” (TFP) effects are simply the product of the share of tasks that are automated multiplied by the average cost savings.

While average cost savings are difficult to estimate and will vary by activity, there have already been some careful studies of AI’s effects on certain tasks. For example, Shakked Noy and Whitney Zhang have examined the impact of ChatGPT on simple writing tasks (such as summarizing documents or writing routine grant proposals or marketing material), while Erik Brynjolfsson, Danielle Li, and Lindsey Raymond have assessed the use of AI assistants in customer service. Taken together, this research suggests that currently available generative-AI tools yield average labor-cost savings of 27% and overall cost savings of 14.4%.

What about the share of tasks that will be affected by AI and related technologies? Using numbers from recent studies, I estimate this to be around 4.6%, implying that AI will increase TFP by only 0.66% over ten years, or by 0.06% annually. Of course, since AI will also drive an investment boom, the increase in GDP growth could be a little larger, perhaps in the 1-1.5% range.

These figures are much smaller than the ones from Goldman Sachs and McKinsey. If you want to get those bigger numbers, you either must boost the productivity gains at the micro level or assume that many more tasks in the economy will be affected. But neither scenario seems plausible. Labor-cost savings far above 27% not only fall out of the range offered by existing studies; they also do not align with the observed effects of other, even more promising technologies. For example, industrial robots have transformed some manufacturing sectors, and they appear to have reduced labor costs by about 30%.

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Similarly, we are unlikely to see far more than 4.6% of tasks being taken over, because AI is nowhere close to being able to perform most manual or social tasks (including seemingly simple functions with some social aspects, like accounting). As of 2019, a survey of essentially all US businesses found that only about 1.5% of them had any AI investments. Even if such investments have picked up over the past year and a half, we have a long, long way to go before AI becomes widespread.

Of course, AI could have larger effects than my analysis allows if it revolutionizes the process of scientific discovery or creates many new tasks and products. The recent AI-enabled discoveries of new crystal structures and advances in protein folding do suggest such possibilities. But these breakthroughs are unlikely to be a major source of economic growth within ten years. Even if new discoveries could be tested and turned into actual products much faster, the tech industry is currently focused excessively on automation and monetizing data, rather than on introducing new production tasks for workers.

Moreover, my own estimates could be too high. Early adoption of generative AI has naturally occurred where it performs reasonably well, meaning tasks for which there are objective measures of success, such as writing simple programming subroutines or verifying information. Here, the model can learn on the basis of outside information and readily available historical data.

But many of the 4.6% of tasks that could feasibly be automated within ten years – evaluating applications, diagnosing health problems, providing financial advice – do not have such clearly defined objective measures of success, and often involve complex context-dependent variables (what is good for one patient will not be right for another). In these cases, learning from outside observation is much harder, and generative AI models must rely instead on the behavior of existing workers.

Under these circumstances, there will be less room for major improvements over human labor. Thus, I estimate that about one-quarter of the 4.6% tasks are of the “harder-to-learn” category and will have lower productivity gains. Once this adjustment is made, the 0.66% TFP growth figure declines to about 0.53%.

What about the effects on workers, wages, and inequality? The good news is that, compared to earlier waves of automation – such as those based on robots or software systems – the effects of AI may be more broadly distributed across demographic groups. If so, it will not have as extensive an impact on inequality as earlier automation technologies did (I estimated these effects in my previous work with Pascual Restrepo). However, I find no evidence that AI will reduce inequality or boost wage growth. Some groups – especially white, native-born women – are significantly more exposed and will be negatively affected, and capital will gain more than labor overall.

Economic theory and the available data justify a more modest, realistic outlook for AI. There is little to support the argument that we should not worry about regulation, because AI will be the proverbial rising tide that lifts all boats. AI is what economists call a general-purpose technology. We can do many things with it, and there are certainly better things to do than automate work and boost the profitability of digital advertising. But if we embrace techno-optimism uncritically or let the tech industry set the agenda, much of the potential could be squandered.

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