德国法院命令X公司向搜索选举“虚假信息或外国干预”的非政府组织提供数据。
German Court Orders X To Hand Over Data To NGOs Searching For Election 'Disinformation Or Foreign Interference'

原始链接: https://www.zerohedge.com/energy/german-court-orders-x-hand-over-data-ngos-searching-election-disinformation-or-foreign

柏林法院已命令X(前身为Twitter)向两家德国非政府组织——民主报告国际(DRI)和公民权利协会——提供与匈牙利2026年4月议会选举相关的数据。这一决定源于一场诉讼,此前X最初拒绝了该数据请求,理由是欧盟《数字服务法案》(DSA),该法案赋予经过认证的研究人员访问平台数据以监测虚假信息等系统性风险。 此案凸显了对选举干预和民主主权的日益关注。DRI认为,该数据对于识别外国干预至关重要,而批评者,如布鲁塞尔MCC智库,警告说这允许由欧盟资助的、带有政治偏见的团体审查国家选举,从而可能影响选举结果。 此裁决紧随罗马尼亚总统选举被取消之后,理由是声称俄罗斯通过TikTok进行了干预——这一决定受到了美国众议院司法委员会的质疑,该委员会没有发现协调一致的俄罗斯行动证据。这种情况引发了人们的担忧,即干预指控可能被用来为监管过度扩张辩护,并可能使对欧盟议程不利的选举无效。布鲁塞尔MCC已启动一个观察站,以跟踪欧盟对国家选举的干预,而欧盟委员会拒绝提供与其实施《数字服务法案》相关的文件。

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原文

Via Remix News,

A Berlin appeals court has legally compelled Elon Musk’s social network X, formerly Twitter, to provide two German-based NGOs with access to public data regarding Hungary’s upcoming parliamentary elections, slated for April 12, 2026.

The judicial order was issued on Feb. 17 and came about due to a lawsuit launched by Democracy Reporting International (DRI) and supported by the Society for Civil Rights (GFF).

The legal action was initiated after X declined to provide the requested data in November 2025. As Remix News noted about this case in early this month:

“With campaigning intensifying ahead of Hungary’s April vote, the legal battle over platform data now adds another layer to an already charged political environment, one in which the question of who defines and defends democratic legitimacy remains deeply contested across Europe.”

DRI maintained that this data is essential for identifying “possible risks of disinformation or foreign interference” within the Hungarian electoral landscape.

Following X’s initial refusal, the Berlin high court intervened, ruling that the company must comply under the European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA). The DSA grants verified researchers the legal right to extract data from major digital platforms to monitor systemic risks. Opponents of the DSA contend that these researchers aren organizations are adamantly opposed to

Notably, during the presidential elections in Romania, the government moved to invalidate the entire vote, claiming Russia interfered on TikTok in favor of Călin Georgescu, who was the favorite to win the presidency in all major polling.

Files published by the U.S. House Judiciary Committee found that the EU interfered in eight European elections, including Romania’s 2024 presidential election, when the courts annulled Călin Georgescu’s victory in the first round of voting.

The House Judiciary Committe further wrote that “new, nonpublic documents cast doubt on the allegations of Russian interference that led a Romanian court to undo the country’s 2024 presidential election results. TikTok told the European Commission that it found ‘no evidence’ of a coordinated a Russian campaign to boost winning candidate Calin Georgescu—the key allegation made by Romanian authorities—and informed authorities of this finding. Since then, public reporting has shown that the alleged Russian TikTok campaign was actually funded by another Romanian political party.”

Nevertheless, the annulment of a national election in Romania in complete violation of democratic norms has never been challenged by the EU. Even if it were proven that Russia ran a campaign on TikTok in favor of Georgescu, the question arises if this is grounds to annul an entire democratic election?

Notably, the U.S. government contends that the EU is actively participating in election interference in numerous EU member states.

The latest court decision from Berlin has drawn sharp rebukes from conservative European circles. The think tank MCC Brussels has raised alarms, suggesting that allowing EU-funded groups to scrutinize sensitive information regarding a national election creates “serious questions about democratic sovereignty.”

In a formal statement, the organization pointed out that DRI receives significant financial backing from both the European Commission and the German Government — both entities tightly tied to groups strictly opposed to Orbán winning reelection. The MCC Brussels warned that such data demands could be seen as “external pressure rather than as an exercise in transparency.”

This legal battle in Berlin unfolds amid an ongoing battle between EU institutions and the Hungarian government over national policies and rule of law. By applying the DSA in this manner, the German court has effectively broadened the reach of EU regulations, empowering Brussels-linked entities to monitor member states’ internal electoral processes.

On Feb. 4, MCC Brussels launched the Democracy Interference Observatory (DIO), an initiative dedicated to tracking and exposing what it describes as “interference by the European Union and actors linked to it in national elections within the bloc.”

“MCC Brussels today announces the launch of the Democracy Interference Observatory (DIO), a new initiative designed to expose, document, and analyse how the European Union and EU-linked actors shape national elections across Europe. MCC Brussels will be cooperating with other organisations dedicated to defence of free speech on the DIO project.”

The MCC Brussels indicates that it already sought documents from the European Commission regarding interference in the Romanian elections. Even as Berlin courts order X to provide information, the EU commission is refusing to provide “crucial documents” related to its use of DSA to interfere in national elections.

Already last year, MCC Brussels has sought access to EU Commission documents containing information on the Digital Services Act (DSA) proceedings related to the Romanian presidential elections. The Commission has denied access to these crucial documents though, with the explanation that the DSA overrides the EU’s own Transparency Regulation – a decision upheld by the EU Ombudsman on 19 December 2025.

Yet recent releases by the U.S. House Judiciary Committee, based on internal documents from major digital platforms, reveal extensive coordination between government authorities, technology companies, and external organizations to police and steer political speech online. These disclosures demonstrate that large-scale, institutionalized content governance affecting democratic debate is not speculative, but already operational.

As we see, political developments in Central and Eastern Europe point to the emergence of a recognizable operational pattern. 

Following the Romanian elections, allegations of large-scale foreign interference were rapidly invoked to justify extraordinary regulatory measures, intensified platform enforcement, and expanded fact-checking operations. That same playbook is now beginning to appear in Hungary.

Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar has publicly adopted the Romanian framing, warning of foreign (specifically Russian) interference and calling for stronger EU-level responses. In parallel, his head of Cabinet, Márton Hajdu, has publicly argued for the application of the EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA) and AI Act in Hungary to counter online “disinformation.” 

There are valid concerns of election interference in nearly every national election in Europe and beyond. However, before Romania, no election was annulled in such a dramatic fashion in the EU due to alleged interference, raising concerns that a future template could be applied to other EU member states that do not vote the desired EU-approved candidate into office.

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